The US House of Representatives on September 15 advanced a procedural resolution paving the way for a final vote on the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act of 2026, a sanctions package that could give President Donald Trump authority to impose tariffs of up to 100% on countries buying Russian oil and natural gas.
The resolution passed 214-211, with Democrats Jared Golden and Marie Gluesenkamp Perez joining Republicans. The Senate had already passed the legislation 86-11 in August. India could fall within the bill’s provisions as one of the major buyers of Russian energy, although the legislation has not yet imposed any 100% tariff on Indian goods.
A separate amendment by Democratic Representative Steny Hoyer sought to explicitly name India and nine other countries as eligible for duties of up to 100%, but the House Rules Committee did not allow that amendment to be considered. The final House vote is expected on September 16, after which the legislation could move to the White House if approved without changes.
House Moves Bill Forward
The 214-211 vote was a procedural step rather than final passage of the Russia sanctions legislation. The resolution allowed the House to take up the Senate amendments to the sanctions bill, setting the stage for a final vote. The vote also highlighted divisions within the Democratic Party, with Golden and Perez crossing party lines to support the measure.
The legislation seeks tougher measures against Russia’s leadership, financial institutions, energy sector and vessels involved in sanctions evasion. Its tariff provisions would allow the US administration to impose duties of up to 100% on goods from major purchasers of Russian crude oil or natural gas, as well as countries involved in helping Russia evade energy sanctions. The Congressional Research Service has described the measure as creating new tariff authorities alongside sanctions against Russian individuals and entities.
Representative Michael McCaul, a Republican and one of the House lawmakers who introduced the legislation, defended the measure as a way to increase economic pressure on Russia. He argued during the Rules Committee hearing that the US had an opportunity to use economic pressure to help end the war in Ukraine and “project peace through strength”.
However, Democratic Representative Gregory Meeks, the ranking member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, strongly opposed the tariff provisions. He argued that Section 113 could give the President excessively broad authority and warned that tariffs could increase costs for American households. Meeks also questioned the lack of a clear definition for countries accused of helping Russia evade sanctions.
Why India Matters
India’s position in the legislation stems from its continued purchases of Russian crude. Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Indian refiners have increased purchases of discounted Russian oil, making Russia one of India’s most important crude suppliers. The US has argued that revenue from these energy sales helps sustain Russia’s war effort.
Under the Senate-passed framework, the President could impose tariffs of up to 100% on goods from the five largest importers of Russian crude oil or natural gas by volume, alongside countries involved in sanctions evasion. India has repeatedly been identified as one of the world’s largest buyers of Russian oil, putting its exports at potential risk if the tariff authority is used.
The House debate added another layer. Hoyer and Representative Marcy Kaptur submitted an amendment that would explicitly list China, India, Türkiye, Azerbaijan, Hungary, Slovakia, the UAE, Singapore, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan as countries eligible for duties of up to 100%. But the Rules Committee voted 3-7 against making that amendment available for consideration. Therefore, India has been specifically proposed in an amendment, but that amendment is not part of the House floor process approved by the Rules Committee.
This means a 100% tariff on Indian goods is not currently in force. Even if the bill becomes law, the tariff authority would have to be exercised by the US administration under the legislation’s provisions.
Pressure Over Russian Oil
The latest move follows months of debate in Washington over how far the US should go in pressuring countries that continue trading with Russia. The Senate approved the sanctions bill by an overwhelming 86-11 vote on August 7, reflecting bipartisan support for tougher economic measures against Moscow.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has backed stronger US sanctions, arguing that reducing Russia’s energy revenues is important to limiting its ability to sustain the war. The legislation also targets Russia’s so-called “shadow fleet” of vessels used to transport oil and evade sanctions.
At the same time, opposition has focused on the breadth of the proposed tariff powers. Meeks and other Democrats have sought to remove the secondary-tariff provision, while business groups have warned that broad tariff authority could disrupt trade and increase costs for US companies and consumers. The US Chamber of Commerce and other business organisations have called for the tariff provisions to be removed in favour of targeted sanctions and diplomacy.
For India, the development adds another layer of uncertainty to an already complicated trade relationship with Washington. The immediate question is no longer whether the US Congress is considering such powers, but what the final legislation will contain and whether the Trump administration would actually use them against Indian exports.
The Logical Indian’s Perspective
The latest US move shows how decisions taken over energy, trade and geopolitics can quickly affect ordinary businesses, consumers and workers far beyond the countries directly involved in a conflict. Russia’s war in Ukraine has already reshaped global energy markets, while India’s need for affordable and reliable energy remains an important consideration. At the same time, the US is seeking economic pressure on Russia and countries that continue to support its energy revenues.
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